The Muslim Brotherhood’s Brownshirts: Uncle Adolf’s Egyptian Offspring
“The Empire never dies,” said the cynic in Berlin, “it merely changes its flag.”
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There are moments in history when evil changes its clothes but not its creed. The swastika gave way to the crescent, the stiff-armed salute to the clenched fist of piety, and the jackboot found its new rhythm in the chant of “Allahu Akbar.”
The banners altered, the vocabulary shifted, but the moral DNA remained unmutated. Thus was born, in the desert heat of 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood — the theological bastard child of fascism and Islamism — conceived in the same womb of resentment that birthed Mussolini’s March on Rome and Hitler’s Beer Hall Putsch.
And if one were to give this monstrous hybrid a cinematic genealogy, one might say: “Adolf, I am your Father.”
Not as farce — but as prophecy.
I. The Brotherhood’s Birth in the Age of the Dictators
Hasan al-Banna, a schoolteacher turned prophet of rage, founded the Brotherhood in Ismailia, Egypt, when the Nile Delta was still a colony and the world was trembling to the tramp of fascist youth.
He was no mere cleric — he was a revolutionary aesthete of authority. As Europe discovered its own infatuation with the Leader, the Nation, the March, so too did al-Banna find in Islam the raw material for his own authoritarian theology. He admired Mussolini’s theatrical discipline, the rhetoric of unity, the uniformed pageantry. He translated fascist certainties into Arabic script and Quranic cadence.
Encyclopaedia Britannica, in its polite neutrality, calls the Brotherhood a “religiopolitical organisation.” That is like calling a vulture a bird of prey that occasionally visits corpses. In truth, the Brotherhood was fascism with prayer breaks. Its economics were collectivist, its morality medieval, its politics totalitarian.
Al-Banna detested individualism, parliamentary government, and all the frail flowers of Enlightenment thought that Europe had cultivated at such cost. To him, freedom was a Western disease — and submission, the cure.
His Egypt was to be purified, his youth remade. Like Hitler’s brownshirts, the Brotherhood organised squads of “young believers,” drilled in street combat and propaganda, schooled in the romance of martyrdom. They smashed the cabarets, censored the theatres, and denounced the modern woman as an agent of Western corruption. The family was the fortress; the mosque, the barracks. In this sense, al-Banna was the Muslim Goebbels, teaching the masses to chant virtue while nursing venom.
II. The Anti-Semitic Gene
Some toxins cross the bloodstream of civilisations, and antisemitism is one of them. From Mein Kampf to the mosques of Cairo, the infection spread with astonishing ease — for hatred, like water, flows downhill.
Sayyid Qutb, the Brotherhood’s later prophet of blood, crystallised this creed in his infamous tract Milestones. He wrote of the Jews not as human adversaries, but as metaphysical pollutants — corrupters of faith, merchants of immorality, the eternal enemy of God’s realm.
His sources were not the Qur’an alone but the Nazi pamphlet. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion — that Russian forgery given second life by Goebbels — became holy writ in Arabic translation, passed from mosque to madrassa with the reverence once reserved for revelation.
By 1938, before Israel even existed, Brotherhood mobs were attacking Egyptian synagogues. The Jewish question had been imported, Islamized, and baptised in the Nile.
In the same year, Hitler’s Germany began broadcasting Arabic propaganda denouncing the “Jewish-British conspiracy.” Among the listeners was a certain Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem — a cleric whose piety was indistinguishable from psychosis.
The Mufti saw in Hitler not a heretic but a comrade-in-arms. He fled to Berlin, was received by the Führer, and promised that the Jews of the Middle East would be dealt with “in the same way” as those of Europe. He recruited Bosnian Muslims for the Waffen-SS, visited concentration camps with serene satisfaction, and recorded radio sermons urging the faithful to “kill the Jews wherever you find them.”
This was not a metaphor; it was liturgy.
III. The Nazi Pilgrim and His Egyptian Apostle
When the Reich fell, the Mufti escaped justice — the only Nazi collaborator to do so with applause. France placed him under the gentlest house arrest in history, where he dined well, wrote letters, and awaited rescue.
In 1946, he escaped to Cairo, greeted not with chains but with garlands. There, his Egyptian admirer — Hasan al-Banna — issued a declaration of rapture that would make a sycophant blush:
“The lion is at last free… Oh Amin! What a great, stubborn, wonderful man you are! Hitler and Mussolini are gone, but Amin al-Husseini will continue the struggle.”
Thus, the torch passed — from the ashes of Berlin to the sands of Cairo. The Mufti, who had prayed with Himmler, now prayed with al-Banna. Their jihad against the Jews became not a tactical alliance but a sacrament, what the Nazis called Lebensraum, the Islamists renamed waqf — sacred land, non-negotiable, divinely guaranteed, to be cleansed of the infidel.
The theological rhetoric was new, the metaphysics ancient, but the politics were pure Third Reich. The dream of an Aryan empire was reborn as the Caliphate; the Führer reappeared as the Imam of Jihad.
IV. The Brotherhood as the Empire Rebuilt
The war ended, but the infection metastasised. In the Arab streets, the defeat of Hitler was mourned as a loss for Islam. The Jewish survivors of Auschwitz were despised not as victims but as victors. The Mufti’s disciples within the Brotherhood were ready for their next incarnation: the Palestinian “resistance.”
And here — in this dark genesis — we meet the infant called Hamas.
Born in 1987 during the First Intifada, Hamas was the Brotherhood’s militant offspring — its firstborn son of fire. Its founding charter of 1988 reads like a marriage certificate between Mein Kampf and the Qur’an.
It declares, “Israel will exist until Islam obliterates it,” and cites a hadith promising that the end of days will come when Muslims slaughter Jews behind every rock and tree. The document blames Jews for the French Revolution, both world wars, and the corruption of media, finance, and morality. It is the Protocols re-scripted as prophecy, the Nazi worldview reborn in Arabic.
And yet, in the salons of Western academia, this genocidal sect is treated as a misunderstood “resistance movement.” Professors who can barely locate Gaza on a map praise Hamas as decolonial heroes. Students march with their flag while quoting Foucault, unaware that they are celebrating a theology that would burn Foucault alive.
How exquisite — that the heirs of the Enlightenment should kneel before the heirs of fascism.
V. The Death of Reason and the Useful Idiots
The universities that once birthed modernity now perform its burial rites. In lecture halls named for Voltaire and Mill, we hear the threnody1 of unreason. Students, eager to parade their compassion, mistake moral inversion for sophistication. Professors, cowed by ideology or seduced by the thrill of righteousness, encourage them. The Enlightenment’s descendants now burn its library.
They chant slogans that would make Robespierre proud: “From the river to the sea” — the old genocidal dream, cleaned up for TikTok. They proclaim solidarity with theocrats who would stone them for their sexuality and veil them for their gender. Their feminism stops where the hijab begins; their liberalism evaporates at the border of belief.
One wants to shake them and say: My dear, do you even know who your heroes are? You quote Fanon and wear keffiyehs, but the men you romanticise are theocratic fascists who make Franco look like a secular humanist. Che Guevara at least had cheekbones. Your idols have only Kalashnikovs and kindergarten rockets.
If irony were lethal, the modern campus would be a morgue.
VI. Hitler Meets the Force
There is, if one may permit a comic interlude within tragedy, a Star Wars parallel here, too perfect to ignore. Picture it: the hooded Führer, spectral in a galaxy of grievance, whispering to his apprentice from beyond the grave:
“Use the hate, Hasan. Let the rage flow through you.”
Al-Banna bows. “Yes, my master.”
Husseini, the Grand Mufti, appears beside him — a robed Darth Maul of jihad — hissing that the Jews control the Rebel Alliance. And somewhere in the smouldering ruins of Gaza, the child of this infernal lineage — Hamas — ignites its lightsaber of piety and declares, “Father, I will finish what you started.”
The Force, in this parody, is not luminous but infernal — a moral gravity that pulls the ignorant toward the black hole of fanaticism. And like all empires of darkness, this one survives by seducing the weak-minded — the “useful idiots” who mistake slogans for principles, and hate for virtue.
The tragedy is not that the Dark Side exists. It is that so many of our so-called intellectuals have joined it, with tenure.
VII. Afterlife of a Poison
History, alas, never stays buried. The same fever that animated the Mufti’s radio sermons in 1943 echoes now in Tehran and Ramallah. The same antisemitic lies — Jews control banks, media, nations — scroll nightly through social media like a digital Der Stürmer. The same “resistance” theology that glorified martyrdom in Berlin now glorifies it in Gaza. And the same West that once vowed “Never Again” now funds the curricula that teach children to dream of killing Jews.
It is no wonder that Robert Wistrich called Hamas’s ideology “Nazism with religious characteristics.” The difference is that the Third Reich was defeated; the Brotherhood metastasised. The Nazis lasted twelve years. Their Arab heirs are in their ninth decade — and still breeding.
VIII. The West’s Intellectual Collapse
If you wish to know how civilisations die, study their universities. The Enlightenment’s promise — that reason and evidence could conquer superstition — has been inverted.
In the classroom, moral relativism now masquerades as empathy, and ignorance as virtue. Students, trained to spot microaggressions, cannot spot macro-fascism when it marches under a crescent.
When Hamas massacred Israelis, Western campuses erupted — not in horror, but in solidarity. Doctoral candidates in ethics tore down posters of murdered children. Jewish students were told to hide their stars.
Professors penned open letters explaining that genocide was “contextually complex.” Thus, the Enlightenment — that great rebellion against darkness — was betrayed by its own heirs.
It is almost comic, were it not obscene, to watch feminists excuse the gang-rape of Israeli women, queer activists march for men who would hang them, and academics of postcolonial studies defend a movement that would abolish their discipline — along with their heads.
Orwell once said that some ideas are so stupid only intellectuals believe them. He had not met the faculty of 2025.
IX. The Echo of the Mufti
And still, the figure of the Mufti looms like a ghost in a clerical robe. In Berlin, he drank tea with Himmler; in Cairo, with al-Banna; in Jerusalem, his name is invoked by Hamas.
He is the spectral father of a family that will not die. His sermons — recorded in Arabic for Nazi radio — are the genetic script of modern jihadism. “Kill the Jews,” he cried, “this pleases God.” And his disciples still obey, generation after generation, with the same religious ecstasy and the same cowardly self-pity.
In the archives of the U.S. State Department lies a file labelled Axis Broadcasts in Arabic — thousands of pages of translations documenting this Nazi-Islamist fusion. There, the Mufti’s voice merges with Hitler’s lexicon: “The Jews control Britain, America, and Russia… Islam must destroy them.” This was no passing alliance of convenience. It was a metaphysical marriage.
And from that unholy union came Hamas — the way from Darth Vader to Kylo Ren, each generation less intelligent but more fanatical.
X. The Moral Reckoning
The West’s failure to indict the Mufti after 1945 — to put him in the dock with Goering and Hess — was a moral calamity. It allowed the Arab world to sanctify collaboration as “resistance.” It allowed the spiritual heirs of fascism to masquerade as freedom fighters. And it permitted Western intellectuals, eager to expiate their colonial guilt, to romanticise their own destroyers.
Had the Nuremberg prosecutors summoned the Grand Mufti to the stand, the world would have seen that antisemitism was not a German aberration but a global contagion.
But he was spared, because oil was more precious than justice. Thus, the Mufti died in his bed in Beirut, unrepentant, his portrait hanging in the offices of men who still dream of finishing Hitler’s work.
XI. Epilogue: The Empire Never Ends
When we look upon Hamas’s charter, or listen to the sermons of Tehran, we hear the whisper of that same Dark Side — the voice that told Europe to worship purity and obey. And once again, Western intellectuals nod along, convinced that evil speaks truth to power.
The lesson is ancient, and we have unlearned it: every generation must refight the battle between reason and fanaticism.
The Enlightenment was not a sunrise; it was a brief flicker between two nights. And as we watch our students cheer for theocrats and our professors excuse mass murder, we must admit the unthinkable: the lights are going out again — this time by invitation.
So let it be said, before the record burns and the archives are deleted: the Muslim Brotherhood were not “reformers” but brownshirts in beards.
Their child Hamas is not a freedom movement but a theological fascism, born of Hitler’s own loins of hate. And the West, too cowardly to remember, has become the chorus in this tragedy.
History, alas, always repeats — first as horror, then as hashtag.
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A good threnody is majestic grief set to rhythm, often blending beauty and outrage. The tone can be elegiac, wrathful, or haunting.
Hamas ARE Nazis, as are Houthis, Hezbollah and, frankly, most of the inhabitants of Gaza and the West Bank.
What a clear and fascinating article. If only we could read this in the MSM and allow the decent people who have w a vague inkling of the truth to see their inkling in black and white.